I analysed
the Indo-European evidence in some detail to highlight the fact that, although
Latin aqua has cognates here and there in Indo-European, its attestation is too
weak to treat the word as reconstructible all the way back to
Proto-Indo-European. It’s a regional word with uncertain affinities, and surely
not the PIE ‘water’ word (there are better candidates for that status). Its story contains a moral: sheer similarity, even within an uncontroversial family, doesn’t mean anything by itself. There is an
inherited verb root meaning ‘drink’ which looks tantalisingly similar to aqua
(and was once regarded as related to it), but which has to be separated from
it, given what we know today. Our improved understanding of some of the languages of the
past (such as Hittite and the rest of the Anatolian clade) has forced us to
abandon quite a few superficially promising etymologies. And it’s a good thing: it
shows that etymologies are in principle falsifiable. All you need is a good model within which they can be evaluated.
Of course
absence of evidence is not evidence of absence. It may conceivably happen that
a word present in a protolanguage survives only in one language descended from
it, or in a small cluster of related languages. In such cases, outgroup
comparison may still enable us to recognise the word as inherited. We only need
some secure external cognates and a consistent pattern of correspondences. We
can’t, however, trust conclusions drawn only from the existence of vaguely similar words
scattered across several families, especially if there is no pattern they could
fit into because the researchers feel free to avoid real reconstructive work.
If you look at Bengtson & Ruhlen (B&R)’s data, you will find many clear
examples of “reaching down” (selecting isolated lookalikes and pretending they
represent the families in question).
For example,
words related to aqua are claimed to be present in Afro-Asiatic, while in fact all
the proposed cognates come from two
periferal branches: Omotic (whose very membership in Afro-Asiatic is is
uncertain) and Cushitic (whose exact location in a the AA family tree is
anything but clear, but which is areally close to Omotic, so that borrowing between them is hard to rule out). The meaning of the
suggested cognates is sometimes ‘water’, (but also ‘[to be] wet’, ‘drink’ or ‘drops
of water’). But what about the Berber, Chadic, Egyptian and Semitic branches of
Afroasiatic, where no such item occurs? What about alternative ‘water’ words which can
be found in Cushitic and/or Omotic? (By the way, putative cognates of aqua
occur only in North Omotic.) Afro-Asiatic
is a big family, with about 300 extant members. With so many languages and “related
meanings” to choose from, and with no formal controls, pseudo-cognates crop up
inevitably. An Amerind Etymological Dictionary (Greenberg & Ruhlen 2007)
lists no fewer than seventeen different etyma meaning ‘water’: *aqʷ’a/*uqʷ’a (of
course), but also *man, *poi, *re, *si, *kʷati, *p’ak, *na, *ʔali, *pan, *tuna, *c’i,
*kam ~ *kom, *to ~ *do, *kona, *xi, and *hobi (while we’re at it, there are also eight Amerind
words for ‘dog’ and thirteen for ‘eye’). These forms are not real comparative
reconstructions (their phonetic details are nowhere dicussed or justified) and must
be treated as approximate, which of course makes comparison as easy as pie,
especially if semantics is given as much leeway as phonology.
Lost in distillation [Source: Wikimedia] |
A “cognate”
like “Proto-Central-Algonquian *akwā ‘from water’” may look impressive until
one learns that the actual root, Proto-Algonquian *akw-
(the *-ā came from the wrong segmentation of an Algonquian compound) means ‘ashore,
out of the water’ (indicating location or direction rather than the place of
origin) and that the real Algonquian ‘water’ term is *nepyi (for details, as well as the for full review of other Algonquian data cited by B&R, see Marc Picard 1998). But of course there
are so many “Amerind” ‘water’ words that *nepyi could even be decomposed into
more than one of them (e.g. *na + *poi).
Impressionistic comparison without any regard for methodological rigour will invariably produce the same outcome: a haphazard collection of words from, say, a dozen families and a few dozen languages (out of the world’s several thousand) which look vaguely similar and have vaguely similar meanings. How should one formulate a relationship proposal based on such evidence, so that other people could evaluate it? Surely not by listing the putative cognates and saying “look!” in the hope that the raw unanalysed evidence will speak for itself. But “global etymologists” do just that. They promise that someone, sometime, will carry out the actual comparative work, but they also claim that their data stand even without it. That’s wishful thinking, pure and simple.
Now, Amerind *poi is certainly cognate with PIE "drink". How can it not be? ;-)
ReplyDeleteAbsolutely. In my own mother tongue the word for 'a drink' is napój, which must be a close cognate of Algonquian 'water'. ;)
ReplyDeleteI tracked down that Amerind etymological dictionary ( http://www.scribd.com/doc/29833923/An-Amerind-Etymological-Dictionary ), and... did they just presuppose a phonological system and map every word they came across to it?
ReplyDeleteIt's just so... disjointed. Reaching.
And
"This book is dedicated to the Amerind people, the first Americans."
My god. Forgive me but they are no more a people than Eurasians. They're many peoples. Many many many varied peoples, of distinct and fundamentally very different cultural backgrounds.
Never mind that long before this was published we've known that the Americas were peopled in waves divided by eons. Never mind that even a single wave doesn't imply that the wave was monoglottic. Never mind the vast vast range of "adaptedness" differing cultures demonstrate (signs of recent intrusion etc). Never mind that outside the Americas similar cultures are often very deeply unrelated and dissimilar cultures are often quite closely related. They're all the same to the authors, so they have to be fit into a presupposed Amerind hypothesis, even if you have to resort to division signs to make your arbitrary trail of sound laws work.
Looking through this "dictionary"... I don't know if it's the people I've known or what but this is just... so patronizingly simple minded.
"A “cognate” like “Proto-Central-Algonquian *akwā ‘from water’” may look impressive until one learns that the actual root, Proto-Algonquian *akw- (the *-ā came from the wrong segmentation of an Algonquian compound)..."
ReplyDeleteThis is a persistent problem for these claims. if oyu don't know enough about a language to figure out what is a rot and what isn't, because oyu have too light a grip on the morphologicla processes or whatever, then oyu are going to make this kind of mistake over and over again.
Another kind of mistake comes from not knowing or not caring to know the history of an etymon, as you mention in the aricle, so that you find all kinds of false cognates based on misidentificatiosn of etyma. This is a problem especially in languages like Mandarin where there has been a lot attrition of consonants, so much that tonal distinctions cannot possibly disambiguate. Here's an example: the syllable 'bi'
First tone: http://www.mdbg.net/chindict/chindict.php?page=worddict&wdrst=0&wdqb=bi1
Second tone: http://www.mdbg.net/chindict/chindict.php?page=worddict&wdrst=0&wdqb=bi2
Third tone: http://www.mdbg.net/chindict/chindict.php?page=worddict&wdrst=0&wdqb=bi3
Fourth tone: http://www.mdbg.net/chindict/chindict.php?page=worddict&wdrst=0&wdqb=bi4
These hundred or so separate etyma are by no means all the words pronounced 'bi' in one tone or the other.
And of course some of these change meaning - sometimes actually etymologically related, often times not at all - if the tone changes. I am talking about the same graph. Each one of these has to be run down, one by one, to get to what is actually going on with that etymon. and as I said, sometimes you will find that you are dealing with one or more etyma in one graph.
And if you are half-slick you will pay attention to the phonetic portion of the graphs, because that *often* gives you solid information about the phonetic shape of the word a couple of millneia or so ago. But to be fully slick you have to remember that this is not always going to be the case, and never reliaibly; people made a lot of uniformed substitutions over the centuries, depending on the pronunciation of thier particular dialect at the time. Which itself is a form of information, but about a different question.
The Middle and Old Chinese columns in Baxter and Saggart's table (which features many of those "bi" items) give you some idea how all those mergers happened (uncertain as the OC reconstruction is).
ReplyDeleteI love that chart. It makes OC look like a real language. You can really hear in your mind what people were saying in the Classics.
ReplyDeleteIt also looks a lot like a lot of proto-TB reconstructions.
That's because the system was developed using all sorts of evidence, including external (Sino-Tibetan) comparison.
DeleteExternal comparison was explicitly not used. Pretty much every other conceivable source was.
DeleteYou are right. In section 2.7 of Old Chinese: A new reconstruction ("Tibet-Burman") the authors explicitly argue that Old Chinese phonology must be reconstructed based on inner Chinese comparative evidence. This evidence includes all the outlying Chinese languages not derivable from Middle Chinese: the Min dialects (and Norman's new reconstruction of Proto-Min), Hakka and Waxiang, as well as early loans from Chinese into other languages.
DeleteBy the way, the link above no longer works. Here is an updated one.
DeleteAnother thng - it looks like OC had about the same level of homophony that modern Englisih has - a lot but with just enough convenient distance in the distribution of homophones to keep the system from collapsing into a need for tones.
ReplyDelete