Since
functionalism treats language as a tool designed and perfected by humans to
serve their needs, it understands function as a purpose-oriented property of
linguistic structures: it is a way of achieving a communicative aim by linguistic
means. Language is fine-tuned to optimise communication, which means, among
other things, that the natural conflict between the speaker’s needs (encoding and
sending linguistic messages at a low cost) and the listener’s needs (receiving
and decoding messages without unnecessary effort) must be resolved. Languages
maintain a delicate balance between ease of production and ease of perception.
For example, precise enunciation is expensive in terms of articulatory effort and
neuromuscular control, but if the speaker tries to reduce this cost excessively
by sacrifying precision, the result may be the listener’s failure to understand
the message. Since having to repeat a sentence twice is usually costlier than saying
it once with sufficient clarity, the speaker has to anticipate any undesirable
difficulties at the listener’s end, and the tendency to favour ease of
articulation is mitigated by those anticipations.
To whose benefit? Artist: Matthew Martin |
Language
change can make life minimally easier for the speaker or the listener. Sound
changes are often classified into “lenitions” (weakenings) and “fortitions”
(strengthenings). Weakenings consist in reducing articulatory effort (and the acoustic
prominence of speech sounds), while strengthenings involve increased effort
(and acoustic prominence). In this dualist interpretation, weakenings
are speaker-oriented, while strengthenings are listener-oriented. Any change
has a purpose, and therefore a functional significance – all that needs to be
determined is its orientation: cui bono?
Note,
however, that an explanatory statement like ‘/t/-glottaling occurs in some
accents of English because it is a speaker-friendly articulatory weakening’ is
hard to falsify. Whatever happens to the phonetic realisation of /t/, you can
always “explain” it in a circular fashion as an attempt to improve either ease
of production or ease of perception. A change can’t be functionally neutral
simply because there’s no place for such a thing in the functionalist view of
language. It would be nice if we could predict when change will be driven by
the speaker’s or the listener’s needs (or when nothing happens). If instead we identify
the motivating factor after the fact, depending on the outcome, it’s an “either
way I win” kind of game, where you can explain everything but predict nothing. Of
course there are some characteristic cross-linguistic “hotspots” of change: weakenings
are more likely in unstressed environments or syllable-finally; strengthenings
happen more often under stress and syllable-initially. This kind of
conditioning, however, is sensitive to the segmental and prosodic context rather
than the needs of language users.
Then, there
are classificatory problems. In non-rhotic varieties of English final or
preconsonantal /r/ becomes vocalised. If preceded by a full vowel, it coalesces
with it, causing the vowel to undergo lengthening and/or diphthongisation (e.g.
/kard/ > /kɑːd/ ‘card’, /niːr/ > /nɪə/ ‘near’). Whose life is made easier
by this change? Is it weakening, strengthening, or six of the one and half a
dozen of the other? Doesn’t the increased length/complexity of the syllable
nucleus compensate for the consonant loss? What about the fact that the
phonemic inventory of non-rhotic English may become larger and more complex as
a result? If both the speaker and the listener lose something and gain
something else at the same time, why bother changing anything? Why does this
kind of change spread at all if there’s no clear net gain from it for anybody?
There are
accents of American English where /æ/ is tensed, raised and diphthongised,
becoming [eə]. This can be regarded as phonological reinforcement, and
therefore a kind of strengthening. The vowel becomes more salient, which might
benefit the listener. But in most varieties of American English the change is
restricted to certain environments: some accents have it only before nasals,
others before nasals and voiceless fricatives, and still others before nasals,
voiceless fricatives, and voiced stops (often with lexical exceptions). Why is
the presumed anticipation of the listener’s needs selective in this way?
Some “functions”
are self-evident. It is obvious that the function of a word is to carry a
lexical meaning and a syntactic role (sometimes more than one). There are no
completely functionless words practically by definition. But what, for
instance, is the function of the final /st/ in amongst (synonymous with among)?
Whose convenience does it serve? If semantic change takes place, as when Old
English cniht ‘boy’ developed into Middle English knyght ‘knight, nobleman’,
how does one measure its impact on communication? If this particular shift was
motivated by some functional pressure, I would like to hear the details.
In the next post I shall try to re-define function in such a way that it becomes less teleological and more distinguishable from accidental byproducts of linguistic evolution. Please be prepared to consider the possibility that language structure is not entirely rational, functional, or intelligently designed.
Hi, what do you think of Dr Fred Fields' assessment that language and the language faculty are designed. Have you dialogued with him or his work specifically? Best wishes.
ReplyDeleteYou mean Fredric Field, don't you? I know him as the author of serious and interesting books on bilingualism, and therefore a bona fide linguist. What he has to say about the origin of the language faculty on creationist websites is total nonsense, so different in quality from his published work that it's really hard to believe it's the same person.
DeleteMaybe you have dealt with this question before, Piotr. I am not familiar with your blog.
DeleteIs it possible to establish a meaningful comparison between the evolutionary mechanisms of language/s and those behind the development of the biological function of language in humans?
Hello, Pablo. I am not sure what you mean by "meaningful comparison". There are of course analogies between biological evolution in general and the evolution of languages. They are not accidental; they reflect similar patterns of "change in the frequency of heritable variants" resulting, in the long run, in "descent with modification". That granted, I don't think there's a particularly close analogy between language change and the evolutionary origin of the language faculty: they are separate problems concerning separate classes of phenomena (different domains, different time scales and rates of change).
ReplyDeleteThanks! You clarified my doubt. I'll try to hang on and learn.
ReplyDelete